The California electoral college initiative looking likely to reach the ballot
I had stayed away from the California initiative that would allocate the state's electoral votes by district since the LA Times reported that the project's backers had pulled the plug on the effort in late September. But it was revealed soon after that the initiative had found new backers and new wealthy Republicans willing to bankroll the petition drive. This initiative will shift about 20 safe Democratic electoral votes to the Republicans -- and made it very difficult for Democrats to win the White House unless the election is a blow-out. Though Democrats like to believe that California voters would reject the proposal without too much suspense, it would still force the Democrats to play defense in a state they can ill afford to waste time and money on.
California Counts, the group organizing the effort, has to collect 433,971 signatures and put the measure on the June ballot. A daunting task, but a very doable one if the effort is well financed. And two days ago, the group said they were confident they would get there, and prided themselves on having already collected about 400,000 signatures. A note of caution: About 1 in 2 signatures is usually disqualified because of some irregularity, so the group has to collect about twice as much the needed number to make sure it gets on the ballot. Democrats are already organizing a counter-offensive and detailing a instances of fraud in signature-gathering.
California Counts is also indicating that they will work to put this on the November ballot if they don't have enough time to gather signatures for the June ballot. They argue that, if adopted, the allocation change could still apply to the 2008 elections. This would likely open up a huge constitutional battle, as Democrats would be sure to agree that the bill cannot be used to determine the allocation of electors for the presidential election held the same day. This battle had already started in Colorado in 2004, when a group linked to Democrats was trying to pass a very similar initiative the day of the general election and Republicans were promising to fight it in court. The initiative did not pass after all, and even if it had it would not have changed the outcome of the election, so we never got a final answer. But imagine how chaotic the election would get if it all came down to a legal battle over whether California's electoral votes should be divided.
The first question, of course, is whether the initiative would pass. The last poll taken on the subject was a SUSA survey from the beginning of November. It found early support for the principle behind the proposal; this confirms numbers from Rasmussen that had a plurality of voters supporting the measure -- though Rasmussen concluded that the measure is still unlikely to be adopted. Indeed, an initiative that does not start way above 50% usually goes down to defeat, as voters tend to gravitate towards a no-vote if they are not initially convinced, and as undecideds usually massively break towards voting no. Democrats are also likely to spend millions explaining how much this would help the GOP -- and California remains strongly Democratic (witness the 2005 defeat of the initiative that would give redistricting to judges because voters feared it would harm the Democratic party).
But on a low-turnout June primary, anything could be possible. Which is precisely what is worrying Democrats.
California Counts, the group organizing the effort, has to collect 433,971 signatures and put the measure on the June ballot. A daunting task, but a very doable one if the effort is well financed. And two days ago, the group said they were confident they would get there, and prided themselves on having already collected about 400,000 signatures. A note of caution: About 1 in 2 signatures is usually disqualified because of some irregularity, so the group has to collect about twice as much the needed number to make sure it gets on the ballot. Democrats are already organizing a counter-offensive and detailing a instances of fraud in signature-gathering.
California Counts is also indicating that they will work to put this on the November ballot if they don't have enough time to gather signatures for the June ballot. They argue that, if adopted, the allocation change could still apply to the 2008 elections. This would likely open up a huge constitutional battle, as Democrats would be sure to agree that the bill cannot be used to determine the allocation of electors for the presidential election held the same day. This battle had already started in Colorado in 2004, when a group linked to Democrats was trying to pass a very similar initiative the day of the general election and Republicans were promising to fight it in court. The initiative did not pass after all, and even if it had it would not have changed the outcome of the election, so we never got a final answer. But imagine how chaotic the election would get if it all came down to a legal battle over whether California's electoral votes should be divided.
The first question, of course, is whether the initiative would pass. The last poll taken on the subject was a SUSA survey from the beginning of November. It found early support for the principle behind the proposal; this confirms numbers from Rasmussen that had a plurality of voters supporting the measure -- though Rasmussen concluded that the measure is still unlikely to be adopted. Indeed, an initiative that does not start way above 50% usually goes down to defeat, as voters tend to gravitate towards a no-vote if they are not initially convinced, and as undecideds usually massively break towards voting no. Democrats are also likely to spend millions explaining how much this would help the GOP -- and California remains strongly Democratic (witness the 2005 defeat of the initiative that would give redistricting to judges because voters feared it would harm the Democratic party).
But on a low-turnout June primary, anything could be possible. Which is precisely what is worrying Democrats.
5 Comments:
None of this matters - this fails on a basis test of the Constitution of the United States of America: Article 2 (Executive Branch), Section 1 (President & VP), Clause 2 (Method of Choosing Electors) - "Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress." Basically stated, the Electors are chosen as the state legislatures directs.
This is unconstitutional and will be invalidated by any Court, even a strict constructionalist like our US Supreme Court (this is not a Bush v Gore type case, this is clear as day in the Constitution).
KELL
By KELL, At 24 November, 2007 12:52
The proposal to divide California's electoral votes by congressional district feeds on everyone’s frustration with the current system of electing the President.
The district approach is much worse than the current system.
The proposed ballot measure would not, as claimed, make California relevant in presidential elections. The presidential race is a foregone conclusion in 50 of the state’s 53 congressional districts. Candidates would have no incentive to pay any more attention than they do now to the remaining 50 districts.
Even if the proposed district system were used by all 50 states, there are only 41 congressional districts (out of 435 in the country) that are competitive in presidential races. Over 90% of the people would be left out of the presidential election because they happen to live in non-competitive districts. This would be even worse than the current system, where two-thirds are left out.
A district system would make it far more likely to elect a candidate who loses the national popular vote. It does not accurately reflect the nationwide popular vote. In 2004, Bush’s won 50.7% of the popular vote, but 59% of the districts. In 2000, the current system gave Bush 271 electoral votes (with 270 needed to win), but Bush won 55% of the districts.
A national popular vote is the way to make every person’s vote equally important, and to guarantee the Presidency to the candidate who gets the most votes in all 50 states (and DC).
The National Popular Vote bill has 364 legislative sponsors in 47 states. It has been signed into law in Maryland. Since its introduction in February 2006, the bill has passed by 11 legislative houses (one house in Colorado, Arkansas, and North Carolina, and two houses in Maryland, Illinois, Hawaii, and California).
The National Popular Vote bill would not take effect piecemeal, but only when enacted, in identical form, by states possessing a majority of the electoral votes --- that is, enough electoral votes to elect a President (270 of 538). When the bill is enacted in a group of states possessing 270 or more electoral votes, all of the electoral votes from those states would be awarded, as a bloc, to the presidential candidate who receives the most popular votes in all 50 states (and DC). The bill would thus guarantee the Presidency to the candidate who receives the most popular votes in all 50 states (and DC).
See www.NationalPopularVote.com
By joreko, At 25 November, 2007 10:32
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